黑種人：馬丁.路德金 安南 馬丁·路德·金簡(jiǎn)介 1929年1月15日，小馬丁·路德·金出生在美國(guó)亞特蘭大市奧本街501號(hào)，一幢維多利亞式的小樓里。

他的父親是牧師，母親是教師。他從母親那里學(xué)會(huì)了怎樣去愛、同情和理解他人；從父親那里學(xué)到了果敢、堅(jiān)強(qiáng)、率直和坦誠(chéng)。但他在黑人區(qū)生活，也感受到人格的尊嚴(yán)和作為黑人的痛苦。15歲時(shí)，聰穎好學(xué)的金以優(yōu)異成績(jī)進(jìn)入摩爾豪斯學(xué)院攻讀社會(huì)學(xué)，后獲得文學(xué)學(xué)士學(xué)位。 盡管美國(guó)戰(zhàn)后經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展很快，強(qiáng)大的政治、軍事力量使它登上了“自由世界”盟主的交椅?？蓢?guó)內(nèi)黑人卻在經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治上受到歧視與壓迫。面對(duì)丑惡的現(xiàn)實(shí)，金立志為爭(zhēng)取社會(huì)平等與正義作一名牧師。他先后就讀于克拉澤神學(xué)院和波士頓大學(xué)，于1955年獲神學(xué)博士學(xué)位后，到亞拉巴馬州蒙哥馬利市得克斯基督教浸禮會(huì)教堂作牧師。 1955年12月，蒙哥馬利節(jié)警察當(dāng)局以違反公共汽車座位隔離條令為由，逮捕了黑人婦女羅莎·帕克斯。金遂同幾位黑人積極分子組織起“蒙哥馬利市政改進(jìn)協(xié)會(huì)”，號(hào)召全市近5萬(wàn)名黑人對(duì)公共法與公司進(jìn)行長(zhǎng)達(dá)1年的抵制，迫使法院判決取消地方運(yùn)輸工具上的座位隔離。這是美國(guó)南部黑人第一次以自己的力量取得斗爭(zhēng)勝利，從而揭開了持續(xù)10余年的民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)的序幕，也使金博士鍛煉成民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)的領(lǐng)袖。 1968年4月4日，金被種族分子暗殺。 美國(guó)政府規(guī)定，從1986年起，每年1月的第3個(gè)星期一為小馬丁·路德·金全國(guó)紀(jì)念日。 關(guān)于非暴力主張 伴隨著種族主義長(zhǎng)大的馬丁·路德·金，深受種族主義的傷害，所以他積極參加反對(duì)種族隔離制度的斗爭(zhēng)。但他主張的卻是非暴力的斗爭(zhēng)，而這種斗爭(zhēng)方式的確是有思想原因的。他受甘地主義和基督教教義影響很深，是一位典型的和平主義者。他強(qiáng)調(diào)在爭(zhēng)取黑人自由平等權(quán)利的斗爭(zhēng)中，不應(yīng)干違法的事，不能讓“創(chuàng)造性的抗議墮落成為暴力行為”，必須要有“用精神力量對(duì)付武力”的崇高境界。這里的精神力量在他看來，就是要以基督教宣傳的“博愛”、“仁慈”來感化黑人的敵人并使之放下屠刀。 金之所以有這種思想與其青年時(shí)的學(xué)習(xí)有直接關(guān)系的。他在賓夕法尼亞的克羅澤學(xué)院學(xué)習(xí)時(shí)，利用業(yè)余時(shí)間，閱讀了著名的神學(xué)著作——人們寫的關(guān)于信仰的書，還有哲學(xué)著作——關(guān)于生活方式的書。這些書的思想給其留下了深刻的印象，并最終用于實(shí)踐。但使馬丁·路德·金最為激動(dòng)的則是圣雄甘地的思想。甘地的非暴力，或稱精神力量的哲學(xué)是印度人民對(duì)抗英帝國(guó)主義政治、軍事力量的精神支柱。印度人民不斷舉行示威游行，反對(duì)外國(guó)政治的統(tǒng)治，無論這樣統(tǒng)治是否出于善意。也無論是否正確，他們要自己來做出決定。 甘地說雖然他們必須準(zhǔn)備好為取得獨(dú)立而犧牲自己的生命，他們也決不可為此而進(jìn)行殺戮——不管受到多么粗暴的對(duì)待。 馬丁開始相信在印度能取得勝利，在美國(guó)也可以。他用自己的行動(dòng)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)了一場(chǎng)聲勢(shì)浩大的以非暴力為原則的民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)。 本次演講背景 50年代的美國(guó)南部，好像一座對(duì)付“解放了的”黑人的監(jiān)獄。而阿拉巴馬州又是種族歧視最為猖獗的一個(gè)州，在這里，黑人的選舉權(quán)力受到野蠻剝奪和限制，駭人聽聞的迫害黑人的私刑暴行不斷發(fā)生，種族隔離制度使黑人不能與白人同校，不能在同一個(gè)教堂做禮拜，不準(zhǔn)進(jìn)入為白人開設(shè)的旅館、客棧、飯館和娛樂場(chǎng)所，連公共汽車站上也樹立了柵欄，規(guī)定白人黑人分別上車。 年輕的伴隨著種族主義歧視長(zhǎng)大的黑人牧師馬丁·路德·金到任不久，便參加并領(lǐng)導(dǎo)了1955年蒙哥馬利市黑人抵制乘坐公共汽車的反種族歧視運(yùn)動(dòng)，最終迫使美國(guó)最高法院作出取消這種制度的決定。1963年他組織的伯明翰黑人爭(zhēng)取自由平等權(quán)利的大規(guī)模游行示威，把黑人運(yùn)動(dòng)從南方推向北方。8月28日，斗爭(zhēng)達(dá)到高潮。25萬(wàn)人聚集首都華盛頓，以和平集會(huì)方式舉行“自由進(jìn)軍”的示威，就在林肯紀(jì)念堂前，馬丁·路德·金向示威群眾發(fā)表了這篇激動(dòng)人心的演說。在演講中，表達(dá)了他的非暴力主義思想以及他對(duì)自由平等公正的追求與憧憬 1968年4月4日，金被種族分子暗殺。 美國(guó)政府規(guī)定，從1986年起，每年1月的第3個(gè)星期一為小馬丁·路德·金全國(guó)紀(jì)念日。 科菲·安南，加納人，是聯(lián)合國(guó)第七任秘書長(zhǎng)，也是出身聯(lián)合國(guó)工作人員行列而當(dāng)選的第一位秘書長(zhǎng)。他于1997年1月1日就職。2001年6月29日根據(jù)安理會(huì)的建議聯(lián)合國(guó)大會(huì)正式任命安南先生連任下一屆秘書長(zhǎng). 安南先生就任秘書長(zhǎng)后的優(yōu)先措施是:通過全面改革方案恢復(fù)聯(lián)合國(guó)的活力；加強(qiáng)聯(lián)合國(guó)在發(fā)展和維持國(guó)際和平與安全方面的傳統(tǒng)工作；鼓勵(lì)并提倡人權(quán)、法治以及《聯(lián)合國(guó)憲章》所載的關(guān)于平等、容忍和人類尊嚴(yán)的普遍價(jià)值觀念；恢復(fù)公眾對(duì)聯(lián)合國(guó)的信任，向新的伙伴伸手和套用他的話說，“使聯(lián)合國(guó)更接近人民”。 安南先生1938年4月8日生于加納的庫(kù)馬西。他曾就讀于庫(kù)馬西科技大學(xué)，1961年在美國(guó)明尼蘇達(dá)州圣保羅市麥卡利斯特學(xué)院完成經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)本科課程。1961年至1962年，他在日內(nèi)瓦國(guó)際高級(jí)研究學(xué)院攻讀經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)研究生課程。1971-1972年，他是麻省理工學(xué)院斯隆研究員，獲得管理學(xué)碩士學(xué)位。 安南先生于1962年進(jìn)入聯(lián)合國(guó)系統(tǒng)工作，擔(dān)任設(shè)在日內(nèi)瓦的世界衛(wèi)生組織的行政和預(yù)算干事。后來，他任職于設(shè)在亞的斯亞貝巴的聯(lián)合國(guó)非洲經(jīng)濟(jì)委員會(huì)、駐在伊斯梅利亞的聯(lián)合國(guó)緊急部隊(duì)(第二期緊急部隊(duì))、設(shè)在日內(nèi)瓦的聯(lián)合國(guó)難民事務(wù)高級(jí)專員辦事處，并在紐約聯(lián)合國(guó)總部歷任主管人力資源管理助理秘書長(zhǎng)兼聯(lián)合國(guó)系統(tǒng)安全協(xié)調(diào)員(1987年至1990年)及主管方案規(guī)劃、預(yù)算和財(cái)務(wù)助理秘書長(zhǎng)兼財(cái)務(wù)主任(1990年至1992年)。1990年，繼伊拉克入侵科威特后，秘書長(zhǎng)派安南先生擔(dān)負(fù)一項(xiàng)特別任務(wù)，協(xié)助撤出伊拉克境內(nèi)的900多名國(guó)際工作人員和西方國(guó)家的國(guó)民。隨后，他又率領(lǐng)聯(lián)合國(guó)的第一個(gè)工作隊(duì)，同伊拉克談判出售石油以購(gòu)買人道主義援助物品的問題。 安南先生被任命為秘書長(zhǎng)之前，曾任主管維持和平行動(dòng)助理秘書長(zhǎng)(1993年3月至1994年2月)，后來改任副秘書長(zhǎng)(1994年2月至1995年10月；1996年4月至1996年12月)。他擔(dān)任副秘書長(zhǎng)期間，恰逢聯(lián)合國(guó)維持和平行動(dòng)的規(guī)模和范圍空前擴(kuò)大，在1995年達(dá)到高峰，總共部署來自77個(gè)國(guó)家將近7萬(wàn)名軍事和文職人員。1995年11月至1996年3月，繼簽訂《代頓和平協(xié)定》結(jié)束波斯尼亞和黑塞哥維那戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)之后，安南先生被秘書長(zhǎng)派到前南斯拉夫去擔(dān)任他的特別代表，監(jiān)督波斯尼亞和黑塞哥維那境內(nèi)聯(lián)合國(guó)保護(hù)部隊(duì)(聯(lián)保部隊(duì))與北大西洋公約組織(北約)率領(lǐng)的多國(guó)執(zhí)行部隊(duì)(執(zhí)行部隊(duì))的移交手續(xù)。 就任秘書長(zhǎng)后，安南先生提出的第一個(gè)主要倡議是他的改革計(jì)劃:“振興聯(lián)合國(guó)”。這項(xiàng)計(jì)劃于1997年7月提交給會(huì)員國(guó)，此后一直繼續(xù)推行，其重點(diǎn)是改進(jìn)連貫性和協(xié)調(diào)。他多次努力維持國(guó)際社會(huì)對(duì)非洲這個(gè)世界上處境最為不利的區(qū)域的承諾，包括在1998年4月向安全理事會(huì)提出關(guān)于“非洲境內(nèi)沖突起因和促進(jìn)持久和平與可持續(xù)發(fā)展”的報(bào)告。他曾在若干敏感的政治局勢(shì)中進(jìn)行斡旋，包括在1998年設(shè)法促使伊拉克遵守安全理事會(huì)的決議，在1998年出差幫助促進(jìn)尼日利亞過渡到文人執(zhí)政局面，在1999年促成協(xié)議解決利比亞與安全理事會(huì)在1988年洛克比炸機(jī)事件上的僵局，在1999年以外交手段促成國(guó)際上對(duì)東帝汶暴亂的回應(yīng)，核實(shí)了2000年9月以色列自黎巴嫩撤出之舉，以及自2000年9月重新爆發(fā)暴力事件后進(jìn)一步努力鼓勵(lì)以色列人和巴勒斯坦人根據(jù)安全理事會(huì)第242號(hào)與第338號(hào)決議和“土地?fù)Q和平”原則通過和平談判解決他們的歧異。 他還設(shè)法提高婦女在秘書處的地位，并與對(duì)聯(lián)合國(guó)的能力有所補(bǔ)益的民間組織、私營(yíng)部門和其他非國(guó)家行動(dòng)者建立更密切的伙伴關(guān)系；特別是他呼吁締結(jié)“全球協(xié)約”，由全球企業(yè)界和勞工組織與民間組織領(lǐng)袖人物參與，使全世界人民能夠分享全球化的好處和將滿足社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)需要的基本價(jià)值與做法引進(jìn)全球市場(chǎng)之中。 他在2000年4月以“我們?nèi)嗣瘢憾皇兰o(jì)聯(lián)合國(guó)的作用”為題，發(fā)表了千年報(bào)告，吁請(qǐng)會(huì)員國(guó)全心投入一項(xiàng)行動(dòng)計(jì)劃，以消除貧窮和不平等現(xiàn)象、改善教育、減少艾滋病毒/艾滋病、保護(hù)環(huán)境和保護(hù)各國(guó)人民免受致命沖突與暴亂。該報(bào)告后來成為2000年9月在聯(lián)合國(guó)總部舉行的千年首腦會(huì)議上國(guó)家元首和政府首腦通過的《千年宣言》的基礎(chǔ)。 秘書長(zhǎng)在2001年4月發(fā)表了被他稱為“個(gè)人優(yōu)先事項(xiàng)”的解決艾滋病毒/艾滋病流行病五點(diǎn)“行動(dòng)呼吁”，并提議設(shè)立全球保健基金，作為一項(xiàng)機(jī)制，用作幫助遭遇危機(jī)的發(fā)展中國(guó)家所需的更多開支的一部分。 2001年10月12日挪威諾貝爾委員會(huì)宣布，聯(lián)合國(guó)與聯(lián)合國(guó)秘書長(zhǎng)安南共同分享2001年諾貝爾和平獎(jiǎng)。該委員會(huì)表示，這一決定是為了表彰安南為創(chuàng)建一個(gè)"更有組織與和平的世界"所作出的努力。該委員會(huì)還高度贊揚(yáng)了安南自近五年前擔(dān)任秘書長(zhǎng)以來為聯(lián)合國(guó)所注入的新活力、以及在消除貧困和與艾滋病和國(guó)際恐怖主義抗?fàn)幹兴龀龅呢暙I(xiàn)。 秘書長(zhǎng)能說流利的英語(yǔ)、法語(yǔ)和幾種非洲語(yǔ)言。他的夫人娜內(nèi)·安南是瑞典人，律師，現(xiàn)為藝術(shù)家，她對(duì)了解聯(lián)合國(guó)在這方面的工作至感興趣,目前她最關(guān)心的是艾滋病毒/艾滋病和對(duì)婦女的教育問題。她還曾為兒童寫書介紹聯(lián)合國(guó)。安南先生和夫人有三名子女喬丹 藍(lán)球運(yùn)動(dòng)員，在他的感召下，芝加哥從犯罪之城變成了籃球之城。 馬丁·路德·金 美國(guó)反種族歧視的代名詞，其反種族宣言《我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)》成為現(xiàn)代大學(xué)生必背100篇文章之一。 I Have A Dream Martin Luther King, Jr, Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C. August 28, 1963. I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves, who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must ever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. They have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied " We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream. I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecutions and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow. I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed; we hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal. I have a dream, that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. I have a dream, that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream, that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification; one day right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain and the crooked places will be made straight and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together. This is our hope. This is the faith that I will go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day, this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning "My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring!" And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. But not only that. Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi, from every mountainside, let freedom ring! And when this happens, when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last, free at last. Thank God Almighty, we are free at last."